In 1777 the Second
Continental Congress circulated among the thirteen states a
constitution by which the several states in loose union would be
governed. It was called the Articles
of Confederation and Perpetual Union, often referred to as
the Articles of
Confederation. The states ratified the compact by 1781.
It was a document created
during our war of independence and, quite naturally, among its chief
concerns were to provide a central government possessing the
authority to wage war, conclude treaties, and provide for
international trade.
Article one formally gave
to our new nation its name, The
United States of America. The second article addressed a
fear near to the heart of every eighteenth century patriot: having
just broken away from a monarch they did not want to permit the
establishment of a central government possessing absolute authority.
Consequently the Articles granted to the confederation government
only such powers as expressly delegated in the document, all other
powers being explicitly reserved to the sovereign states.
The Articles granted
Congress the exclusive authority to wage war, exchange ambassadors,
enter into treaties, set the terms for commerce with other nations,
establish weights and measures, including coinage, as well as several
other powers. However, no enforcement mechanisms were provided.
By 1783 the weaknesses of
the Articles of Confederation were becoming obvious. For instance,
the Treaty of Paris
ending the war with Britain was drafted in November of 1782 and
signed in September a year later. However it was not ratified by
Congress until January of 1784. Part of the delay was caused by
members of Congress failing to show up—and the confederation
government had been given no tools to enforce attendance. Similar
problems were experienced as the young nation tried to pay its large
war debt. When the states failed to cough up their allotted portion,
the central government had no means to force them to do so.
It was apparent that the
Articles were inadequate to the task of governing the nation, so a
constitutional convention was convened. By late 1787 the new
constitution was submitted to the states for ratification. It was
vigorously opposed by some who feared that the creation of a strong
federal government would overwhelm the sovereignty of the states and
eventually lead to tyranny.
Alexander Hamilton, James
Madison, and John Jay thus wrote a series of articles published in
New York under the pseudonym Publius that sought to counter the
arguments of the anti-federalists. The collection of eighty-five
essays is now known as The
Federalist Papers and set forth the benefits of a strong
federal government.
The shocking and sad
irony we find at this moment in our nation’s history is this: the
modern federal government has become so intrusive and has so
egregiously usurped the powers reserved to the states that the
arguments in The Federalist Papers
can now be used to contend for a large-scale dismantling of the
federal leviathan.
In Federalist #27, Hamilton argues that: “It merits particular attention in this place, that the laws of the Confederacy, as to the ENUMERATED and LEGITIMATE objects of its jurisdiction, will become the SUPREME LAW of the land; . . . Thus the legislatures, courts, and magistrates, of the respective [states], will be incorporated into the operations of the national government AS FAR AS ITS JUST AND CONSTITUTIONAL AUTHORITY EXTENDS; and will be rendered auxiliary to the enforcement of its laws.” The all-caps emphasis, my friends, was original, it was his. Notice that he limited the national government to “the enumerated and legitimate objects of its jurisdiction” and “its just and constitutional authority.” He’s limiting the Feds to what the constitution specifically enumerates as federal powers—all else is reserved to the states.
There is nothing wrong with our federalist constitution. The problem is that neither the courts nor the legislature nor the executive have restrained the reach of the federal government to those powers granted it by the constitution.
There is nothing wrong with our federalist constitution. The problem is that neither the courts nor the legislature nor the executive have restrained the reach of the federal government to those powers granted it by the constitution.
Citing examples of
federal tyranny is all too easy. For a simple project, research the
amount of land in the western states owned by or controlled by the
federal government. Find in the constitution a provision allowing the
federal government the power of determining whether West Virginia
shall burn coal to produce electricity, or Alaska drill for oil, or
how many miles per gallon an automobile must attain to be
manufactured in Detroit, or how much corn a farmer in Iowa is allowed
to plant. Study how the commerce clause (Article I, Section 8) has
been wholly twisted by the courts and legislature to give the Feds
unprecedented power over the economy.
If we are to reclaim our
nation, we must restore sovereignty to the states and wholly
eliminate—not improve, but
eliminate—entire departments of the federal government.
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